“Democracy is the worst form of government save all those other forms" - Winston Churchill.

The sudden, although foretold death of Néstor Kirchner, the former president who was also the nominal head of the Peronist movement, plunged me back into the past. I remember vividly the day when the death of Juan Perón was finally announced. A deputation of workers from the plant where the Buenos Aires Herald was printed came to see me. Any sadness that they felt at the loss of Gen. Perón was not discernible because they were so gleeful at the prospect of asserting their power.

They informed me that the next day’s issue must be devoted entirely to news about Perón. If not, they would not print the paper. I tried to negotiate. What about the weather forecast? Could we give readers their crossword puzzle? I agreed that the comic strips might be considered inappropriate. I said the world had not stopped and one of the Herald’s strengths was its coverage of international news. I don’t remember all the details, but a compromise was worked out and the Herald appeared as usual, although like the rest of the press throughout the nation that day, it was a very unusual newspaper. Only La Prensa dared to write an obituary that was not comprised of fulsome praise.

The difference between then and now is cause for celebration. Shock and sadness have not caused a paralysis of the collective mind, as happened in 1974, when the consequences of so many years of dictatorship still lay heavily on Argentina. For many years the mere mention of the name “Perón” was prohibited. Even when formal prohibitions were no longer the rule, people were frightened to speak their minds, whether for or against what Perón stood for.

Gen. Perón’s return after 18 years in exile had proved to be a tragic farce, although no one would dare say so at that time. It was all a great illusion: the first return was in defiance of the de facto president, Gen. Alejandro Lanusse, who erred not only by underestimating his adversary but also by questioning the old general’s courage. In November, 1972, The famous “charter” of an Alitalia airliner, packed with supporters, was a political triumph, demonstrating not only that Gen. Perón was prepared to resume the leadership of the movement he created but that he was still dearly loved by a majority of the Argentine people.

A massive show of military strength prevented people from going to the airport to welcome the general home. However, that demonstration of military force was a sign of weakness. No matter how many thousand police and troops were massed to prevent the people reaching Gen. Perón, the might of the people, measured in millions, could never be overcome. Rarely in history have the expectations of so many rested on a single individual.

The reality of Gen. Perón's huge popularity was overshadowed by another reality: the general was 77 and he was not in good health. I attended the press conference he gave at a frowsy nightclub in Olivos. To my "unenchanted" eyes Gen. Perón appeared old, tired and unsteady on his legs. He had no difficulty dealing with the press, who were mostly foreign correspondents, because they were excessively respectful, to the point of adulation. What worried me was the blithe “unseeingness” of the people surrounding the man they sincerely believed would be capable of first reconciling and then governing Argentina. Members of his entourage directed their remarks at me as though they were seeking confirmation from an outsider. “How young he looks,” they said. “How robust.” “How well.” “He’s like a youngster.” I nodded to show my sympathy, although not my agreement.

The effective return of Perón on June 20, 1973, presented yet another reality, the division within the Peronist ranks, which was written into history on the day of his return as the Ezeiza Massacre. The left and right wings of the Peronist movement clashed in an armed conflict to claim Gen. Perón as their leader that left at least a dozen people dead and hundreds more wounded.

The death of Gen. Perón just over a year later resulted in more deaths. Violence held Argentina in its thrall, with daily bombings and assassinations, terrorist attacks, guerrilla raids and kidnappings for ransom. Worse was to come in the monstrous form of state terrorism, when torture became routine and a plan of mass murder was carried out by the last military dictatorship in the history of Argentina. People stopped thinking rationally. That is what terrorists want and what terrorists at both extremes of the political panorama achieved during the 1970s.

The contrast between today and yesterday is reassuring. The government that Isabel Martínez, Perón’s third wife, inherited from her husband was in shambles. It was also mired in corruption. Chosen as his vice-presidential running mate in the elections of Sept 23, 1974, she inherited his presidency with no experience in public life. She was deeply under the influence of José López Rega, a former police corporal who dabbled in the occult and was said to believe that he was the incarnation of the Archangel Gabriel. He is also said to have founded the feared “Triple A” (named after the initials of the Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance) formed to assassinate people on the left.

I think there is sufficient democratic spirit in Argentina today to sustain the belief that President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, who obviously does not lack experience in public life, will uphold democracy and that rule of law will prevent any return to rule by force. By and large, the country has come to terms with reality. There are few issues today that are taboo, the most notable, perhaps, being the lack of justice in dealing with war crimes and terrorism that have not been attributed to government forces.

The three days devoted to mourning Néstor Kirchner have been a learning experience for everyone. In death, his life has been examined and reality has not been obscured, as it was when Juan Perón died 36 years ago.

Despite the black legend of the government of President Isabel Martínez de Perón, it could be argued today that it might have been better if she had been allowed to finish her term or a simulacrum of democracy had been allowed to survive until new elections could be held.

I think that the undeniable lesson that the history of Argentina teaches is that time and time again,Winston Churchill has been shown to be right in insisting that “democracy is the worst form of government, except all those other forms that have been tried from time to time."

Source: Meattradenewsdaily.co.uk